Homeless people are the most disadvantaged in relation to housing. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are more likely to be homeless than other Australians as they generally do not have the same access to affordable and secure housing. The higher levels of mobility among Indigenous people due to the need for many to leave their home to access services or to observe cultural obligations, and the absence of adequate temporary accommodation, can also contribute to homelessness among Indigenous people (Keys Young 1998). Measuring the extent of homelessness, however, can be difficult and depends on the definition used. This section examines how homelessness is defined and measured, and then provides a range of data on Indigenous homeless people in the major program response to homelessness, the SAAP.
Defining homelessness
Homeless people can be simply defined as those with no housing or those residing in temporary or emergency accommodation. However, the concept of homelessness is subjective and depends on prevailing community standards. According to the Chamberlain and MacKenzie (2003) definition adopted by the ABS, people are considered homeless if their accommodation falls below the minimum community standard of a small rental flat with a bedroom, living room, kitchen, bathroom, and an element of security of tenure.
The definition of homelessness however, can be related to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander history, values and beliefs (Keys Young 1998; Memmott et al. 2004). Keys Young developed a number of definitions of Indigenous homelessness which emphasised the multi-layered and multi-dimensional nature of Indigenous homelessness and incorporated the concept of spiritual homelessness. Underlying these definitions was the understanding that 'home' can have different meaning for Indigenous Australians (AIHW 2003a).
That some Indigenous people view homelessness differently from other Australians can be illustrated by the significant number of Indigenous people who do not live in walled and roofed dwellings but who argue that they are both 'placed' and 'homed'. They call themselves 'parkies', 'long grassers' or 'river campers'. Memmott, Long and Chambers (2003) suggest that the term 'homeless' should not be used for these people but that they should be referred to as 'public place dwellers'. He proposed five categories of public place dwellers: those living in public places; those occasionally spending time in public places; spiritual forms of homelessness; crowding where it causes considerable stress to families and communities; and individuals escaping unsafe or unstable family circumstances. However, these definitions are not captured by any of the existing data sources.
4.17 Itinerants program, Darwin and Palmerston
Estimating the number of homeless Indigenous people
COMMUNITY STANDARDS APPROACH
A widely accepted method to estimate the number of homeless people was developed by Chamberlain and MacKenzie who used the community standard definition to define three levels of homelessness:
- Primary homelessness - includes all people without conventional accommodation such as people living on the streets, in the parks, in derelict buildings etc. It is operationalised using the census category 'improvised homes, tents and sleepers out'.
- Secondary homelessness - includes people who move frequently from one form of temporary shelter to another. This includes people accommodated in SAAP establishments on Census night from the SAAP data collection, as well as people residing temporarily with other households because they have no accommodation of their own. The starting point for identifying people in this group is the Census category 'hostels for the homeless, night shelters and refuges'. This category also includes people staying in boarding houses on a short-term basis (i.e. for 12 weeks or less).
- Tertiary homelessness - includes people who live in boarding houses on a medium to long-term basis, operationally defined as 13 weeks or longer. These people are regarded as homeless because their accommodation situation is below community standard.
According to this definition there were 7,526 homeless Indigenous persons at the time of the 2001 Census. This included 2,657 with no conventional accommodation, 1,566 in SAAP accommodation, 1,660 staying with friends and relatives and 1,643 living in boarding houses (table 4.18).
4.18 Number of Indigenous people who are homeless - 2001 |
|  |
| | NSW | Vic. | Qld | SA | WA | Tas. | NT | ACT | Aust. | |
| |
| Primary homelessness | | | | | | | | | | |
| No conventional accommodation | 227 | 62 | 486 | 162 | 442 | 16 | 1 257 | 5 | 2 657 | |
| Secondary homelessness | | | | | | | | | | |
| SAAP accommodation | 391 | 260 | 395 | 158 | 210 | 27 | 97 | 28 | 1 566 | |
| Friends/relatives | 518 | 127 | 406 | 171 | 249 | 91 | 82 | 16 | 1 660 | |
| Tertiary homelessness | | | | | | | | | | |
| Boarding house | 240 | 115 | 631 | 53 | 153 | 17 | 428 | 6 | 1 643 | |
| Total | 1 376 | 564 | 1 918 | 544 | 1 054 | 151 | 1 864 | 55 | 7 526 | |
| |
| Chamberlain & MacKenzie 2004a, 2004b, 2004c, 2004d, 2004e, 2004f, 2004g, 2004h |
The Census is likely to undercount the number of homeless people because of the difficulties in locating them, particularly those with no conventional accommodation such as people who live in improvised dwellings. For example, the Census estimated that there were 2,657 Indigenous people with no conventional accommodation while the 2001 CHINS recorded 5,602 people living in improvised dwellings in discrete Indigenous communities.
The national rate of Indigenous homelessness was 176 per 10,000, but the rate varied significantly across jurisdictions (table 4.19). The highest rates of Indigenous homelessness were found in the Northern Territory (344 per 10,000) and South Australia (226 per 10,000), while Tasmania had the lowest rate (92 per 10,000).
Across Australia, the rate of homelessness for Indigenous Australians was 3.5 times higher than the rate for non-Indigenous Australians. Victoria had the largest difference between Indigenous and non-Indigenous rates, with the rate of Indigenous homelessness more than five times the rate for non-Indigenous people.
4.19 Indigenous and non-Indigenous homelessness on Census night(a) - 2001 |
| |
| | NSW | Vic. | Qld | SA | WA | Tas. | NT | ACT | Australia | |
| |
| Indigenous | rate | 110 | 217 | 164 | 226 | 170 | 92 | 344 | 151 | 176 | |
| Non-Indigenous | rate | 40 | 42 | 66 | 48 | 60 | 50 | 266 | 38 | 50 | |
| Total | rate | 42 | 43 | 70 | 51 | 64 | 52 | 288 | 39 | 53 | |
| Rate ratio | % | 2.7 | 5.1 | 2.5 | 4.7 | 2.8 | 1.8 | 1.3 | 4.0 | 3.5 | |
| |
| (a) Per 10,000 population. |
| Chamberlain & MacKenzie 2004a, 2004b, 2004c, 2004d, 2004e, 2004f, 2004g, 2004h |
Service delivery approach
There are two major national programs that provide assistance to homeless people, the:
- Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP), which provides temporary accommodation and support services, such as domestic violence counselling, employment assistance and living skills development, to homeless people, and aims to help them achieve self-reliance and independence. It is jointly funded and managed by the Australian and state governments with services delivered largely by non-government agencies with some local government participation; and the
- Crisis Accommodation Program (CAP) which is funded under the CSHA and provides emergency accommodation for homeless people. Funds are used for the purchase, lease and maintenance of dwellings.
An alternative approach to measuring homelessness is to use a service delivery definition where the homeless are measured as the population who are eligible for assistance from programs supporting the homeless. Rather than a cultural definition of homelessness, for example, SAAP bases its service delivery on a definition of homelessness provided by the SAAP Act 1994 (section 4). The Act defines a person as homeless if, and only if, he or she has 'inadequate access to safe and secure housing' (FaCS 1999:19). This is often paraphrased as 'considered not to have access to safe, secure and adequate housing'.
The Act then goes on to refer to what this might mean, citing housing situations that may damage health; threaten safety; marginalise a person from both personal amenities and the economic and social support a home normally offers; where the affordability, safety, security or adequacy of housing is threatened; or where there is no security of tenure. A person is also considered homeless under the Act if living in SAAP or other emergency accommodation. There were 15,400 Indigenous people who received SAAP assistance in the 2003-04 financial year (table 4.20).
Those using SAAP services represent a subset of homeless people as not all people experiencing homelessness will use SAAP services. The existence of the SAAP National Data Collection, however, means that there is a wide range of information available on SAAP clients. In addition to counting all people assisted through SAAP, there are also some data collected on those who seek accommodation but whose request for accommodation could not be met.
Homeless people in the Supported Accommodation Assistance Program
In the year 2003-04, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people made up 16% of all clients aged 15 years or over assisted by SAAP. The number of Indigenous clients of SAAP services constitutes a substantial over-representation of this population group, which was about 2% of the total Australian adult population during this period (table 4.20). This over-representation was evident in every state and territory. For example, in Victoria, Indigenous clients comprised 5% of SAAP clients but only 0.5% of the general Victorian population. In the case of the Northern Territory, around one-quarter (26%) of the population are Indigenous while just over 57% of all SAAP clients identified as Indigenous.
4.20 Indigenous SAAP clients aged 15 years or over(a), by state and territory - 2003-04 |
| |
| Indigenous clients(b) | Indigenous clients as a proportion of all SAAP clients aged 15 years or over | Total Indigenous population aged 15 years or over(b) | Indigenous persons aged 15 years or over as a proportion of the total Australian population aged 15 years or over | |
| no. | % | no. | % | |
| |
| New South Wales | 4 000 | 17.1 | 85 100 | 1.6 | |
| Victoria | 1 500 | 4.5 | 18 200 | 0.5 | |
| Queensland | 3 700 | 22.3 | 79 700 | 2.6 | |
| South Australia | 1 500 | 16.3 | 16 700 | 1.3 | |
| Western Australia | 3 100 | 38.4 | 42 700 | 2.8 | |
| Tasmania | 400 | 9.2 | 11 000 | 2.9 | |
| Northern Territory | 1 800 | 57.1 | 38 100 | 25.7 | |
| Australian Capital Territory | 200 | 12.5 | 2 600 | 1.0 | |
| Australia | 15 400 | 16.2 | 294 300 | 1.9 | |
| |
| (a) Number of clients within a state or territory who received assistance during the year from a SAAP agency in that state or territory. Since a client may have support periods in more than one state or territory, state and territory data do not sum to the national figure. |
| (b) Numbers have been rounded to the nearest hundred. |
| AIHW, SAAP database and ABS 2004e |
The age and sex profile of Indigenous and non-Indigenous SAAP clients, and the Indigenous population is shown in table 4.21. There were significant differences between Indigenous and non-Indigenous clients in relation to sex, with females over-represented among Indigenous clients. Nearly three-quarters (72%) of Indigenous SAAP clients were female compared with only 56% of non-Indigenous SAAP clients.
There was not much difference in the age distribution of Indigenous and non-Indigenous SAAP clients. The largest difference between Indigenous and non-Indigenous clients was among males aged 15-19 years. This age group represented 18% of all Indigenous male SAAP clients compared with 15% of non-Indigenous male SAAP clients. Children aged under 15 years are only considered clients in their own right if they attend an agency without a parent or guardian and so the proportion of SAAP clients in this age group is relatively low.
4.21 SAAP clients, by Indigenous status, age and sex - 2003-04 |
| |
| | Indigenous SAAP clients | Non-Indigenous SAAP clients | Indigenous population | |
| Age (years) | Males | Females | Males | Females | Males | Females | |
| |
| Less than 15 | % | 3.6 | 2.2 | 1.6 | 1.8 | 39.4 | 36.8 | |
| 15-19 | % | 18.2 | 16.8 | 15.3 | 18.1 | 10.9 | 10.4 | |
| 20-24 | % | 13.5 | 17.7 | 13.5 | 15.6 | 8.5 | 8.4 | |
| 25-29 | % | 10.3 | 16.3 | 12.1 | 13.3 | 7.4 | 7.7 | |
| 30-34 | % | 14.5 | 16.8 | 13.5 | 14.8 | 7.5 | 8.1 | |
| 35-39 | % | 13.9 | 12.3 | 11.7 | 12.7 | 6.3 | 6.9 | |
| 40-44 | % | 10.7 | 8.3 | 10.5 | 9.4 | 5.6 | 6.0 | |
| 45-49 | % | 7.0 | 4.7 | 7.6 | 5.7 | 4.4 | 4.6 | |
| 50-54 | % | 3.9 | 2.4 | 5.3 | 3.4 | 3.5 | 3.7 | |
| 55-59 | % | 2.0 | 1.2 | 3.6 | 2.0 | 2.4 | 2.5 | |
| 60-64 | % | 1.1 | 0.7 | 2.2 | 1.2 | 1.6 | 1.8 | |
| 65 or over | % | 1.2 | 0.6 | 3.2 | 2.1 | 2.4 | 3.1 | |
| Total | % | 100.0 | 100.0 | 100.0 | 100.0 | 100.0 | 100.0 | |
| Total(a) | no. | 4 400 | 11 400 | 35 700 | 45 200 | 235 900 | 239 500 | |
| |
| (a) Numbers have been rounded to the nearest hundred. |
| AIHW, SAAP database |
Reasons for seeking support
The higher proportion of Indigenous female clients is reflected in data on the main reasons for seeking SAAP assistance. In 2003-04, the most common main reason for seeking assistance for Indigenous clients was domestic violence (27% of support periods). The comparable figure for the non-Indigenous population was 19%. For non-Indigenous clients the most common main reason for seeking assistance was accommodation difficulties (23% of support periods). The comparable figure for Indigenous clients was 19% (table 4.22). Non-Indigenous clients were also more likely than Indigenous clients to seek assistance because of financial difficulties (15% and 6%, respectively).
Proportions for the other main reasons given for seeking assistance did not differ greatly. Many clients, both Indigenous and non-Indigenous, reported relationship and family breakdown as a common main reason for seeking assistance (in 19% of support periods for Indigenous clients and 17% for non-Indigenous clients). A higher proportion of Indigenous clients, compared to non-Indigenous clients, sought assistance because of sexual, physical or emotional abuse (6% of support periods for Indigenous clients compared to 3% for non-Indigenous clients) and because of drug, alcohol or substance abuse (6% and 4%, respectively).
4.22 Main reason for seeking SAAP assistance, by Indigenous status - 2003-04 |
| |
| Indigenous | Non-Indigenous | Total | Number | |
| % | % | % | no. | |
| |
| Accommodation difficulties(a) | 18.5 | 23.0 | 22.3 | 33 700 | |
| Relationship/family breakdown(b) | 19.0 | 17.3 | 17.5 | 26 400 | |
| Sexual/physical/emotional abuse | 5.9 | 3.3 | 3.7 | 5 600 | |
| Domestic violence | 27.0 | 18.6 | 20.0 | 30 200 | |
| Financial difficulty | 6.2 | 15.1 | 13.6 | 20 600 | |
| Gambling | 0.1 | 0.2 | 0.2 | 300 | |
| Drug/alcohol/substance abuse | 5.7 | 3.9 | 4.2 | 6 400 | |
| Recently left institution | 1.4 | 1.6 | 1.6 | 2 400 | |
| Psychiatric illness | 0.6 | 1.7 | 1.5 | 2 300 | |
| Recent arrival in area with no means of support | 5.4 | 5.0 | 5.1 | 7 600 | |
| Itinerant | 2.7 | 2.4 | 2.4 | 3 600 | |
| Other | 7.8 | 7.8 | 7.8 | 11 700 | |
| Total | 100.0 | 100.0 | 100.0 | . . | |
| Total support periods (no.)(c) | 25 300 | 125 700 | . . | 151 000 | |
| |
| . . not applicable |
| (a) Usual accommodation unavailable; eviction/previous accommodation ended; and emergency accommodation ended. |
| (b) Time out from family/other situation and interpersonal conflict. |
| (c) Numbers have been rounded to the nearest hundred. |
| AIHW, SAAP database |
SAAP clients before and after support
SAAP aims to help clients re-establish their capacity to live independently once they cease to receive assistance from the program. To evaluate the program's success in achieving this objective, information is collected about clients' living arrangements and income source both before and after their use of SAAP services. The data presented in tables 4.23 and 4.24 relate only to support periods for which either both before and after information on clients' living arrangements (table 4.23) or before and after information on income source (table 4.24) were provided. Instances where only before or after information was provided, or neither, have been excluded. Caution should be exercised in assessing the data because they do not necessarily represent a complete picture of the population. The demographic data on excluded clients indicate that they were more likely to be a specific group of clients who received brief crisis assistance. In general, these clients were more likely to be older and to be male.
For Indigenous clients there were only small changes after assistance in the proportions in different types of accommodation. The main change occurred in the proportion of clients living in an institutionalised setting, which decreased from 11% before assistance to 8% after assistance. There was also an increase in the proportion of Indigenous clients in public or community housing, from 30% before assistance to 32% after assistance (table 4.23). Among non-Indigenous clients there was an increase in the proportion of clients in public or community housing (from 10% before assistance to 14% after) and some increase in the proportion in private rental accommodation (from 18% to 20%).
4.23 Type of housing before and after SAAP support(a), by Indigenous status - 2003-04 |
| |
| | Indigenous | Non-Indigenous | |
| | Before support | After support | Before support | After support | |
| |
| SAAP or other emergency housing | % | 15.1 | 15.0 | 14.6 | 16.5 | |
| Living rent-free in house or flat | % | 12.3 | 11.3 | 11.7 | 8.9 | |
| Private rental | % | 7.5 | 8.5 | 18.4 | 20.0 | |
| Public or community housing | % | 29.8 | 31.8 | 10.1 | 13.8 | |
| Rooming house/hostel/hotel/caravan | % | 4.7 | 5.7 | 11.4 | 12.0 | |
| Boarding in a private home | % | 13.4 | 12.1 | 10.8 | 9.3 | |
| Living in a car/tent/park/street/squat | % | 2.4 | 2.6 | 7.6 | 6.7 | |
| Institutional | % | 10.5 | 7.9 | 11.7 | 9.1 | |
| Other | % | 4.3 | 4.9 | 3.8 | 3.5 | |
| Total | % | 100.0 | 100.0 | 100.0 | 100.0 | |
| Total support periods(a)(b) | no. | 16 500 | 16 500 | 87 400 | 87 400 | |
| |
| (a) Support periods with reported living arrangements. Excludes records where both before and after support information on living arrangements have not been provided. |
| (b) Numbers have been rounded to the nearest hundred. |
| AIHW, SAAP database |
As to source of income for Indigenous clients, there were also only small changes in the proportions of the various sources of income before and after assistance. The proportion of Indigenous clients on pension or benefit, for example, increased from 90% before assistance to 91% after assistance, and the proportion with no income decreased from 6% to 5% (table 4.24). For non-Indigenous clients, the changes were greater, with the proportion on Government pension or benefit increasing from 85% before assistance to 87% after assistance, and the proportion with no income decreasing from 7% to 5%.
4.24 Source of income before and after SAAP support(a), by Indigenous status - 2003-04 |
| |
| | Indigenous | Non-Indigenous | |
| Source of income | Before support | After support | Before support | After support | |
| |
| No income | % | 6.2 | 4.8 | 7.2 | 4.9 | |
| No income, awaiting pension/benefit | % | 0.7 | 0.6 | 1.1 | 0.8 | |
| Government pension/benefit | % | 90.1 | 91.3 | 85.1 | 87.0 | |
| Other | % | 3.0 | 3.3 | 6.7 | 7.3 | |
| Total | % | 100.0 | 100.0 | 100.0 | 100.0 | |
| Total support periods(a)(b) | no. | 19 800 | 19 800 | 101 200 | 101 200 | |
| |
| (a) Support periods with reported income source. Excludes records where both before and after support income sources have not been provided. |
| (b) Numbers have been rounded to the nearest hundred. |
| AIHW, SAAP database |
Unmet need for SAAP
The Demand for Accommodation Collection attempts to count unmet requests for SAAP accommodation in two separate weeks during the year. This collection counts adults and children who were seeking accommodation but whose request for accommodation could not be met. The identification of Indigenous status in this data collection is incomplete and the Indigenous status of over one-third of people who were turned away is unknown.
In addition to those clients who were provided with assistance, in December 2002 and May 2003 there were an average of 56 Indigenous people per day with valid unmet requests for immediate accommodation. There were more Indigenous females (33) with unmet requests for assistance than Indigenous males (23) (table 4.25). It is not possible to extrapolate these unmet demand figures to annual figures because of seasonal factors and because people can have several unmet requests in a year.
4.25 Average no. of Indigenous persons with unmet requests for immediate SAAP accommodation(a) - 2003-04 |
| |
| NSW | Vic. | Qld | SA | WA | Tas. | NT | ACT | Australia | |
| no. | no. | no. | no. | no. | no. | no. | no. | no. | |
| |
| Males | 3.9 | 1.8 | 6.5 | 3.9 | 5.6 | 0.1 | 0.9 | 0.6 | 23.2 | |
| Females | 6.7 | 1.6 | 9.0 | 5.2 | 7.8 | - | 1.9 | 0.6 | 32.9 | |
| Persons | 10.6 | 3.4 | 15.5 | 9.1 | 13.3 | 0.1 | 2.7 | 1.2 | 56.1 | |
| |
| - nil or rounded to zero (including null cells) |
| (a) Data are the average number of unmet requests per day, over a two week period. |
| AIHW, SAAP database |
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